Ankara’s response to Iran’s airstrike against Israel on the night of April 13 was notably delayed and subdued. Journalists waited for hours for statements from the Presidency, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and even the Ministry of National Defense, but received none. The first official evaluation came from Talha Köse, head of the National Intelligence Organization Academy (MİT Akademi) around noon next day. Ankara’s primary concern was the potential spread of Israel’s Gaza conflict throughout the region, followed by the fear of the Gaza tragedy fading from international attention.
Ankara remained officially silent for hours, with neither President Tayyip Erdoğan nor Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan making statements. The first unofficial announcement from Foreign Ministry sources came around 3:00 p.m., stating that Fidan had advised Iran’s Foreign Minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian to avoid escalating tensions during a phone call. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs released a written statement around 5:30 p.m. under the headline “regarding the recent developments in our region.”
“The risk of the war being waged by Israel in Gaza spreading and escalating,” the statement read, adding that the developments had raised concerns that the events could “quickly turn into a regional war.”
“Our President is being regularly briefed,” it ended.
There was no indication that President Erdoğan, who was evaluating the AKP’s defeat in the March 31 elections in Marmaris during the holiday, had returned early to Ankara to chair a security meeting due to the escalating tensions at the borders. There was also no information about a video conference. Erdogan’s holiday message remained the latest news on the Presidency’s website.
Later reports revealed by diplomatic sources that Fidan had conveyed the same message to UK Foreign Secretary David Cameron and US Secretary of State Antony Blinken.
Iran’s airstrike against Israel was not entirely unexpected, given Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s declaration on April 10 that Israel’s attack on the Iranian consulate building in Damascus on April 1 would not go unanswered.
On the same day, President Erdoğan and Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi discussed the issue during a “Ramadan Eid” phone call. On April 11, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken informed Fidan of the impending crisis, reportedly requesting a measured response from Iran.
On the same day, General Michael Kurilla, commander of the US Central Command (CENTCOM), visited Israel for two days of joint defense planning with military officials. The US Navy announced plans to send additional ships to the region. US media reports began suggesting an imminent attack, with April 13 being mentioned as a possible date.
According to defense sources that spoke to YetkinReport, Ankara warned both Iran and Israel against actions with unpredictable consequences, indicating a desire to avoid further escalation.
Meanwhile, Ankara considered the possibility of Iran indirectly targeting Israel through proxies like Hezbollah.
It would be naive to assume that Iran overlooked the possibility of drones being intercepted before reaching Israel. Almost all UAVs and cruise missiles were destroyed in Iraqi, Syrian, and Jordanian airspace, and the remainder were intercepted by Israel’s Iron Dome. Iran’s statement during the ongoing airstrike that they would not retaliate if Israel did not strike again led to speculation of theatrics, but this was a strategic move. Mehmet Ali Bayar wrote in YetkinReport that at least 7 ballistic missiles fell on the Nevatim airbase from where the planes that participated in the attack on Damascus took off.
It would also be naive to assume that President Erdogan’s cabinet was unaware of these developments, which even journalists could follow from open sources, through intelligence and diplomatic channels.
So why did Ankara respond so late and cautiously to these significant developments on its doorstep?
In summary:
Therefore, Türkiye’s relatively low-profile stance on Israel’s Gaza War, Israel-Iran tension, and Russia’s Ukraine war should not be considered independently of its relations with the US.
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