Türkiye faces a historical opportunity by pursuing a political solution to the Kurdish problem through disarmament of the PKK militants, but the instability in Northern Syria remains an obstacle. The shifting of the militants to Syria after abandoning arms in Iraq is one of those problems.
Türkiye’s ongoing peace process with the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) holds the potential to end one of the country’s most destructive conflicts of the past four decades. Yet a lasting settlement cannot be achieved in isolation. Unless the Kurdish question in northern Syria is addressed, any peace at home will remain fragile.
Türkiye maintains a military presence in northern Syria to secure its borders and to counter groups with ties to the PKK. This approach may deliver short-term security, but it erodes trust between the Kurdish population in Türkiye and the state.
The central player on the ground is the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), built around the YPG and strengthened by U.S. support in the fight against ISIS. For Kurds, the SDF symbolizes international recognition; for Ankara, it represents a security threat. Efforts by Syria’s interim government to integrate parts of the SDF into its army have only deepened Kurdish mistrust and failed to reassure Türkiye about lingering PKK links.
Meanwhile, the limited U.S. military presence and Israel’s engagement with Kurdish groups as a buffer against Iran have bolstered the SDF’s legitimacy in the region—further fueling Ankara’s perception that the PKK is gaining indirect international recognition. The outcome is a vicious cycle of mistrust: Kurds in Türkiye doubt the state’s intentions, while much of Turkish public opinion questions the PKK’s sincerity.
Every peace process faces spoilers—factions that refuse to put down arms even when the main movement turns to politics. We saw this with dissident IRA groups in Northern Ireland and breakaway factions of the Moro movement in the Philippines. Given the PKK’s size and networks, continued instability in northern Syria could provide fertile ground for such groups, undermining trust in the process before it begins.
Another risk is that disarmed PKK fighters may drift into northern Syria’s Kurdish groups. Similar patterns emerged in West Africa, where ex-combatants in Liberia and Sierra Leone easily crossed borders to join new conflicts. This not only relocated violence but also eroded the credibility of peace settlements. For Türkiye, the same danger looms: as long as northern Syria remains unsettled, disarmament will not translate into real transformation.
Refugees: With millions of Syrian refugees in Türkiye, economic hardship and social tensions have fueled negative perceptions. Any peace initiative that coincides with this environment risks lacking broad public support. As seen in Lebanon with the Palestinian refugee issue, such dynamics can become destabilizing multipliers.
Economic costs: Ongoing military operations drain resources away from education, healthcare, and development—the very sectors that sustain peace. If citizens do not see tangible economic benefits from peace, support can evaporate quickly, as Colombia’s experience demonstrated. For Türkiye, framing peace not just as a political agreement but as a social and economic project will be essential.
Türkiye’s evolving relationship with the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in Iraq offers an instructive precedent. Once viewed as a security threat in the 1990s, the KRG is now seen as a partner, thanks to economic ties, energy cooperation, and shared security concerns. A similar roadmap could be possible in northern Syria—provided that mutual interests outweigh zero-sum security thinking. The crucial difference is that, unlike the KRG, the SDF/YPG has yet to clearly sever ties with the PKK, reinforcing Ankara’s distrust.
A lasting peace in Türkiye cannot be secured solely through negotiations between Ankara and the PKK. As long as the northern Syria question remains unresolved, the peace process will remain fragile. Former militants drifting into new conflicts, spoiler groups gaining strength, military interventions eroding trust, and the involvement of regional powers will continue to undermine the process.
The case of northern Iraq is instructive: what was once viewed as a threat gradually turned into a relationship based on mutual interests. A similar trajectory is possible in Northern Syria, but only if Türkiye takes new steps in managing this equation:
Türkiye faces a historic opportunity: to reframe northern Syria not solely as a theater of threats, but as a potential platform for regional cooperation. Such a shift would strengthen Türkiye’s internal peace and contribute to a more stable future for the wider region.
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