Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu is seen inspecting troops in the Syrian occupation zone in November 2025, in military uniform alongside Defense Minister Katz on his right. Israel’s latest moves, aimed at provoking Türkiye and the Kurds, stem from the frustration of its failed calculations regarding Iran. (Photo: X/Katz)
On the evening of April 11, when it became clear that the first round of talks between the United States and Iran in Pakistan would yield no results, Benjamin Netanyahu took to his X account with a message targeting both Türkiye and the Kurds:
We understand the first part of the message. Netanyahu was effectively saying, “Even if the United States gives Iran assurances, I will continue the occupation of Lebanon and Palestine.” The message was, in fact, addressed to U.S. President Donald Trump.
His second message to Trump was embedded in the latter half of the sentence: Netanyahu was complaining about Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to Trump, who tends to treat Erdoğan separately from European NATO allies. He accused Turkish President Erdoğan of aiding Iran and its “proxies,” but why were the Kurds included in this message?
Apparently believing Netanyahu’s message insufficient, Defense Minister Yisrael Katz posted another message in Turkish at 9:45 p.m., about an hour and a half after the Prime Minister:
• “After failing to respond to missiles fired from Iran at Turkish territory and revealing himself to be a paper tiger, the President of Türkiye resorts to antisemitism and announces sham trials against Israel’s political and military leadership in Turkey. What an absurdity. A member of the Muslim Brotherhood, who massacres Kurds, accuses Israel—defending itself against its partners in Hamas—of genocide. Israel will continue to defend itself with strength and determination.”
In his X message, Katz also tagged three figures alongside Erdoğan: Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, the former chairman of the main opposition CHP, Ekrem İmamoğlu, the imprisoned CHP mayor of İstanbul, and Mansur Yavaş, the CHP Mayor of Ankara—in what appeared to be a shallow attempt to say, “If you oppose Erdoğan, then support me.”
Both Netanyahu and Katz received the response they deserved—from the government as well as from the opposition, including those they sought to provoke: no one in Türkiye has any lesson to take from Israel, whose hands are still stained with the blood of Gaza.
These messages read almost like an admission of how cornered Netanyahu’s administration has become in the war against Iran—one in which it has also sought to draw in the United States.
• Apparently, Israel expected not NATO but Türkiye to respond to missiles launched from Iran—an implicit reproach toward NATO and the United States, perhaps due to their solidarity with Türkiye.
• Apparently, Israel hoped that this would draw Türkiye into the war against Iran—just as it has sought similar responses from Arab countries in the Gulf.
• Apparently, Israel is also uneasy about Türkiye’s long-standing efforts, through its intelligence service, to prevent Hamas from launching attacks that would trigger further massacres.
• And apparently, Israel is disturbed by Türkiye’s recent Kurdish policy—specifically the search for a political solution under the roof of the Turkish Grand National Assembly following the PKK’s potential disarmament, even if not explicitly mentioned.
With the plan to establish a Kurdish state under PKK control in Syria—one that would keep Iran, Iraq, and Türkiye on edge—falling apart…
And with the plan to have the United States use armed Kurdish groups in Iran also collapsing, thanks in part to the Turkish efforts.
It seems clear they have grown increasingly agitated.
This agitation, born of Israel’s failed calculations, has also failed to achieve its aim.
It was no surprise that the entire governing bloc—from the Speaker of Parliament, Numan Kurtulmuş, to the ruling AK Party—responded strongly. But the Israeli government’s attempt to provoke the opposition, particularly the CHP, also backfired. CHP leader Özgür Özel stated: “Türkiye stands fully united on the same side against Israel—the side of the innocent.”
Yet this agitation, revealing the collapse of Israel’s calculations, also points to something else: the urgent need to advance the process toward a terror-free Türkiye. It also shows how domestic political polarization and government–opposition tensions whet the appetite of Türkiye’s adversaries.
The more Türkiye can secure “peace at home,” the more it can serve as an example of “peace in the world” in its region.
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