I wonder if it’s appropriate to describe the conspicuously close relationship between President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and MHP leader Devlet Bahçeli, as a “bromance.” This was on full display during the 953rd-anniversary celebrations of the Malazgirt Victory on August 26 in Ahlat, much to the chagrin of their opponents. Perhaps “strategic alliance” would be a more fitting term.
During the ceremony where they exchanged awards, Bahçeli’s gesture of leaning forward while shaking Erdoğan’s hand was widely interpreted as an “attempt to kiss hands.” I won’t dwell on this, as party officials will likely explain it away as a sign of respect for the President. It’s well known that Erdoğan generally dislikes having his hand kissed, barring a few exceptions. Bahçeli, however, views hand-kissing as a traditional sign of respect and loyalty.
This contrast was highlighted recently when Bahçeli allowed Süleyman Karadeniz, the head of Police Special Operations, to kiss his hand, making headlines. (You can read the incident from here) Interestingly, Erdoğan subsequently “promoted” Erol Ayyıldız, the police chief who witnessed this political rapprochement, to the position of Bursa Governor – a move many saw as a strategic removal or “promotionally dismissed”. Meanwhile, Karadeniz remains firmly in his position.
What truly caught my attention, however, was Erdoğan’s presentation of 76 red roses to the MHP leader. This gesture, along with their overall demeanor, made me wonder if the term “bromance” might apply, though I doubt they’d appreciate the label.
Communication officials were quick to explain that the 76 roses symbolized Bahçeli’s 76 years of age, reciprocating Bahçeli’s earlier gift of 70 roses for Erdoğan’s 70th birthday. This exchange of floral tributes seems to have become a tradition between them.
While records show Bahçeli’s birthday as January 1, 1948, not August 26, the specifics matter less than the symbolism in this political friendship. These leaders have a history of exchanging birthday cakes and rose bouquets, reinforcing their bond.
This display of unity comes after a period of tension in AK Party-MHP relations. The strain began when Erdoğan accepted an offer of dialogue from CHP leader Özgür Özel, prompting Bahçeli’s reproach. The situation escalated during the Sinan Ateş murder case. However, by inviting Bahçeli to the cabinet meeting he chaired in Ahlat, Erdoğan sent a clear message: “We stand united.”
Call it a “bromance” if you will, but Erdoğan and Bahçeli have once again demonstrated the cyclical nature of their political alliance. Their relationship runs deeper than mere political convenience; it’s a partnership rooted in a shared determination to maintain power at all costs.
This unwavering commitment to retaining power solidifies their bond, consistently disappointing the hopes of the CHP and other opposition parties who anticipate a rift with each disagreement between Erdoğan and Bahçeli.
You might say these photos are aimed at saving face, that waters are churning beneath the surface, and I partly agree with that. However, in stark contrast to the united front presented by Erdoğan and Bahçeli, the main opposition party CHP finds itself in disarray despite its victory in the March 31, 2024 elections. The party seems unable to effectively capitalize on its success.
Consider this: in approval ratings, Mansur Yavaş and Ekrem İmamoğlu often surpass Tayyip Erdoğan, with Özgür Özel close behind. Yet, much of the party’s attention remains fixated on Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, who stepped down from the party leadership following electoral defeat.
Although Kılıçdaroğlu lost both the 2023 elections and the party leadership, the other three successful candidates frequently seek his approval. Despite their potential for “bromance”, they appear to be undermining each other, behaving more like rivals than allies.
A recent incident highlighting this internal strife was Özel’s leg injury. While Özel attributes the rumors to “FETÖ members,” it’s widely understood that other party factions are eagerly amplifying the incident for political gain.
This internal discord in CHP mirrors the rumors surrounding Treasury and Finance Minister Mehmet Şimşek’s potential resignation, which are being fueled by elements within the AKP and affiliated business circles.
The focus here, however, is on CHP members who seem intent on sabotaging their own party’s success, engaging in factional politics at the expense of millions of opposition voters.
In a recent T24 interview, when asked about potentially returning to lead CHP, Kılıçdaroğlu quoted Süleyman Demirel: “There is no exit door from politics.” This ambiguous response, far from a clear denial, has only fueled speculation.
In response, Hasan Cemal penned an open letter to Kılıçdaroğlu, İmamoğlu, Özel, and Yavaş, warning that “History won’t forgive you” for this infighting.
While Erdoğan and Bahçeli showcase their “bromance” in Ahlat, effectively masking any internal turbulence, CHP seems determined to air its contradictions publicly.
At 101 years old, CHP still grapples with factionalism, a political ailment often associated with far younger parties.
Özel frequently boasts about CHP’s leading position in polls. However, the prevailing attitude of “If not me, then no one” threatens to squander the party’s March 31 gains. If this continues, CHP may soon face a significant decline in public support.
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